Tuesday, 21 July 2015

Leader of Nepali Maoists, Prachanda, Reiterates ‘Peaceful Road’ to Revolution

Rajesh Tyagi/ 21 July 2015

Nepal's former Prime Minister and chief of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Prachanda, arrived in New Delhi on 14th July on a 7-day visit to deliberate with Modi and his cabinet colleagues as Nepal draws closer to finalise the Constitution.  Prachanda also met foreign affairs minister Sushma Swaraj, foreign secretary Jaishankar, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, apart from President Pranab Mukherjee.

Earlier, Nepali Maoists had been closer to China and continued baiting India for long, but in changing world scenario where China is being isolated politically through “pivot to asia” program under US, Nepali Maoists have changed their strategy and have come closer to US strategic establishment.

On Modi’s visit to Nepal, Prachanda had praised Modi government a lot for its performance in India. In turn Modi has also praised Prachanda and Maoists under him for their contribution in peace process in Nepal.

Maoists in Nepal, have openly disarmed the revolution and have thwarted it in the name of democratic stage of revolution, wherein according to them, the working class cannot and should not strive to take the power or contend for it against the bourgeoisie.

The earthquake of April 25 this year has given a serious jolt to the bourgeois regime of Nepal, exposing innumerable cracks in its establishment and its inability to protect the people against calamities. The Maoists, however, instead of taking any advantage of destabilization of the regime, have actively assisted it to restabilise itself.

Since 2006, Maoists had played critical role in dousing the prairie fires of revolution in Nepal. Alongwith Stalinists, they dissuaded the working class from fighting for political power in Nepal and tagged their party and followers to capitalism and its regime led by Nepali Congress. Refusing to advance the revolution further by dissolving the army and liquidating bourgeois parties, Maoists, on the contrary, surrendered all gains of the revolution like the seized lands and arms and disbanded the forces of revolution, especially its combat units, organized over decades of civil war. Since then, the Nepali bourgeoisie has taken full control of the national army, stabilized its rule and has marginalized the revolution.

Maoists, have set one point agenda before them- promulgating a Constitution, that would only settle a bourgeois regime in the country. The 16 point agenda that comprises the basis of an alliance among four major political parties in Nepal – Bourgeois Nepali Congress, Stalinist CPN-UML, Maoist UCPN and Madhesi People Democratic Forum- goes not even a step further than the program of Nepali bourgeois. The four parties, together command 90 per cent majority in the 601-member Constituent Assembly.

The first draft of the Constitution has been presented for debate in the Constituent Assembly of Nepal, last week. Immediately thereafter, Prachanda has undertaken the visit to India to brief Modi and his colleagues about the draft and the perspective of Maoists. The purpose of visit of Prachanda is to garner support of the right-wing bourgeois government under Modi, convincing it that Maoists are the best defenders of capitalism in Nepal.

In an interview to Bhasha Singh, bureau chief of weekly magazine ‘Outlook’, Prachanda admitted that revolution is sidelined in Nepal due to ‘errors’ of Maoists. However, instead of undertaking a serious study of those errors, Prachanda dismissed the same as incorrect identification of stage of revolution. Elaborating, he said, “With fall of Monarchy in Nepal, bourgeois democratic stage of revolution was over. We must change our strategy now. We should prepare for socialist revolution in Nepal”.

Guided by the ‘two-stage’ Menshevik  theory of revolution, that was so zealously opposed by both Lenin and Trotsky, but later endorsed by Stalin and then Mao, the Nepali Maoists had virtually arrested the revolution at its ‘democratic’ stage, forbidding the working class from organizing it in vanguard of the revolution and fighting in its first ranks, for power. Now overnight, they see a ‘socialist revolution’ on the horizon!

This strategic shift is however coupled with a moderation. Prachanda further declared that “The road to socialist revolution  in Nepal is presently ‘peaceful’.  The days of armed struggle are matter of past”.

This discovery of ‘peaceful road to socialist revolution’, finds its echo in ‘British Road to Socialism’, the infamous program of British CP based upon Dutt-Bradley thesis, prepared under instructions of Stalin, that claimed an end to era of violent class conflicts and opening of peaceful path to revolution in view of weakening of world bourgeoisie. History has since then again and again demonstrated the bankruptcy of this thesis. Wherever, this ‘peaceful path’ was imposed, from Indonesia to Chile, the revolution was wiped out.

The ‘peaceful path’ is the lame excuse of Nepali Maoists for their refusal to undertake a political fight against the Nepali bourgeoisie and its international allies, with whom they are integrated in an alliance based on 16 point understanding.

Reinforcing his innovation of the onset of a socialist revolution in Nepal after accomplishment of the democratic one, Prachanda claimed, “Now there is neither that kind of state nor feudalism in Nepal. During the ten year long civil war under leadership of our party, the land relations have changed a lot”.

Suffering from political myopia, Maoist leaders are creating illusions for their followers too. Since fall of the Monarchy, social relations have undergone very little change in Nepal. Slightest of the reforms, are directly conflicting with interests of thoroughly reactionary Nepali bourgeois and are being instantly blocked by it. The bourgeois democracy has failed to resolve any of the issues whether land, nationality or rural unemployment. Few  gains that were made by the revolution during the decade of civil war, like few seizures of rural lands and arming of poor peasantry, that already stand liquidated in the last decade.   

The most pressing tasks of the revolution in Nepal, alike in India, are the pending tasks of bourgeois revolution. These tasks remain in peril because of the incapacity of the bourgeois to carry them out through a revolution. Capitalism, in these countries has grown up only in the lap of a medieval milieu, which instead of resolving the democratic tasks has made them more complicated.

Maoists, however,  deny this and credit the bourgeois regime for accomplishing the democratic tasks of the revolution, pushing it into their assumed next ‘socialist’ stage.  

The revolution in Nepal, like in all countries of backward capitalism, cannot be divided into artificial stages- democratic or socialist. A revolution can only be defined by its class alignment and its character can be identified only with such class alignment that propels it. In backward countries, irrespective of whatever may be the immediate tasks before it, in individual countries, the revolution marches under the leadership of the working class and in turn is backed by toilers, especially rural peasants. From this viewpoint, the character of the revolution remains democratic, in so far it depends upon two classes- worker and peasant.

However, both Stalinists and Maoists, apply ‘economic determinism’ for artificial and arbitrary staging of revolution in individual countries. In Nepal, they continued to claim yesterday that the revolution was democratic as bourgeois-democratic tasks are pending and capitalism was not sufficiently developed to strengthen the working class to take to power.  Now they say Nepal has entered next stage of revolution- ‘socialism’ and democratic tasks are over.

Contrary to bogus claim of Maoists, the revolution in all countries of backward capitalism, remains and will remain a democratic revolution, as the pending democratic tasks due to incapacity of bourgeois to resolve them, make wider sections of toilers and peasants a natural ally of the proletariat in this revolution.
Further, indicating a clear rightward, sectarian and nationalist leaning of Nepali Maoists, Prachanda told that Maoist Party would support the ‘Religious Conversion Bill’ on the pattern of the one introduced by right-wing governments in India, that would criminalise the conversion of faith on the ground of force or coercion. Prachanda admitted that this is being done to isolate the Christian missions from converting Hindus to Christianity. However, in balancing exercise, Prachanda stated that he does not want Nepal to become a Hindu state either.

Maoists are bound up with the state and regime of Nepali bourgeoisie and continue to block the path of the revolution- first in the name of ‘democratic’ stage and now peaceful ‘socialist’ stage. Lost in false theories of Stalin and Mao, Maoists have become core defenders of capitalism in every country, including Nepal. Turning their back completely upon the working class, Maoists are leaning more and more upon the right in Nepal.

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